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2011 Priorities for New Hampshire's Children Fact Sheets

Investing in Our Children, Investing in Our Future
Categorical Aid Supports Local Education
Educational Opportunity for All Children
Handling Youth Misbehavior in Schools not Courts
Community Treatment is Most Effective for Youth

Realistic Child Care Assistance Supports NH's Workforce
Healthy Play Spaces, Healthy Kids

 

 

  

  EDUCATION INFORMATION

by Dr. Mark Joyce, NH CAN Partner, NH School Administrator's Association
 
  Here is information that addresses the issue of constitutional amendments designed to role back the provisions of an adequate education right for all NH's children. Included you will find an explanation of how the current law works, an article on the topic, and “talking points sheet”.

This week we begin to see the constitutional amendments with the Special Comm. On Educational Funding)

It would be great to have a strong showing in person and/or email contacts to members of the special committee on educational funding. It is interesting to see the new found commitment to hold funding level for next year.

Where did the Adequacy Dollar cost /number come from under the current law? Dr. Mark V. Joyce February 7, 2011

 A.) The Universal Cost:

 When the special joint committee worked through the process of defining adequacy they utilized a "legislative judgment approach" meaning they laid out certain assumptions based on research they trusted and then build the cost from the bottom up. See statute definition of adequacy

 In brief, it is a system that is based on student need and one that is capable of delivering only the "selected parts" of minimum school approval requirements. When I say “selected parts” I mean that any reasonable person would see that no school could meet all of the requirements of school approval with only $3500 per person of financial support.

 I like to use the metaphor of a large table set for Sunday dinner for lets say 10. The table's total surface represents all the many statutory requirements for schools as well as the requirements of rules, technical advisories and more. The part of the table covered by dinner plates and glassware is the part that the state has defined as adequacy.

The "universal" cost was actually built upon the calculation of the number of teachers needed to teach the estimated number of students using the state's guidelines for class size. (E.g. In grades 1-2...the total number of students statewide divided by 25 equals so many teachers. Or in grades 3-12..... the total number of students statewide divided by the 30 equals so many teachers). The Legislature then multiplied the total number of teachers by the lowest quartile average teacher pay for step three BA (plus 33% benefits) ...came up with a cost per teacher and then divided it by the total number of students. Finally to cover  support teachers (art, PE, etc.), they then added 20% to the number teachers This resulted in a total teacher component for adequacy of  in grades K-2 $2269 and in grades 3-12 $1891

In addition the Legislature added the following for additional personnel costs judged as needed to deliver adequacy:

  • a principal and an admin asst. for every 500 students - $286 per student

  • a counselor for every 400 students - $130 per student

  • a library medias specialist for every 500 students - $95 per student

  • a technology coordinator for every 1200 students - $39 per student

  • a custodian for every 500 students - $73 per student

 In addition, they added small amounts of money per student for:

  • Materials and supplies $250

  • Technology 75

  • Professional development 20

  • Facility operation and maintenance 195

  • Transportation 315

 In summary the total blended cost was 3450 per student.

 B. ) Additional funding based on student needs under adequacy

 Cost of Adequacy student factors and rates are:

At risk students:

The percentage of students eligible for free/reduced priced school lunch (F/R) is the only school factor considered. This allocation, specified as differentiated aid, is allocated only when the F/R rate is 12% or more. The F/R rate is calculated using students in grades 1-12 identified as eligible in October. All students in kindergarten through grade 12, not just those eligible for F/R, are allocated differentiated aid based on the following differentiated rates per student:

  •      F/R rate of 12.00% to 23.99%, $885

  •      F/R rate of 24.00% to 35.99%, $1,770

  •      F/R rate of 36.00% to 47.99%, $2,655

  •      F/R rate of 48.00% or more, $3,540

         $442 for a kindergarten through grade 12 student eligible for free/reduced priced school lunch attending a school where the F/R was less 12%

 Special Education:

$1,904 per student for a special education student

English Language Learner:

$693 per student for an English Language Learner receiving English Language instruction

 Special Note: The data points for the above information are based on audited state data and are usually 2 years old or more.

 C.) In addition to adequacy, the state decided to add Fiscal Capacity Disparity Aid:

             Fiscal Capacity Disparity Aid, which is separate from Adequacy, is allocated to municipalities with the lowest capacity to raise property tax revenue as long as the municipality’s Median Family Income (from the most recent US Bureau of the Census) is less than the state average.

            Each municipality’s equalized valuation per pupil is computed by dividing the FY09 local tax base (4/1/08 equalized valuation including the utility properties) by the FY09 Average Daily Membership of resident students (ADM-R). The ADM-R used for Fiscal Capacity Disparity includes grades kindergarten -12 but counts only the first ½ day of full-day kindergarten students. It also includes charter school students. Provided the municipality’s median family is below the state average, aid for the 29 municipalities with the lowest equalized valuation per pupil is an additional $2,000 per student, and aid for the 30 next lowest municipalities is an additional $1,250 per student.


 
 
 

 

The Constitutional Amendment

To: Members and friends of public education, children and taxpayers
Re: Talking Points - Constitutional Amendments regarding school funding.
From: Dr. Mark V. Joyce
Date: February 12, 2011

Also see attached that describes how the current law works

What are they?

     During this legislative session there are again several proposed constitutional amendments (CACR’s) that seek to change the NH constitution in similar ways. (E.g. CACR 12…..). They all seek to weaken the constitution as it relates to the state’s responsibility to define and fund an “adequate” education for all children and to give the legislature the nearly total control over defining and funding.

 Why do proponents want them?

     The no doubt well intentioned proponents, seek to remove or lesson the Supreme Courts’ role in protecting a basic constitutional right and allow for targeting aid to certain “poor” communities. The changes are theoretically designed to allow the Legislature to determine who “reasonably” needs money and how much they will get. The obvious result is that the state’s responsibility will be more manageable and adaptable, and not require any significant payment to some school districts.

 Who are the proponents?

     The proponents include the Governor, and influential members of the Senate and House from both political parties.

 What happened to the past attempts to amend the constitution in similar ways?

     Over the years we have had repeated attempts to accomplish the same goals. In each case one or both bodies of the Legislature have failed to approve the CACR by the required 60% + vote. In prior years, the NH Senate approved one version on several occasions but the NH House did not.

 What is wrong with these amendments?

     The problems are numerous and significant for public education, children and taxpayers.

To Amend or Not Amend the Constitution or To Pass the Buck or
Tackle the Real Challenges…By Dr. Mark V. Joyce 2/12/11

      As anticipated, a series of new constitutional amendments that are now before the New Hampshire Legislature. What is unusual about this year’s versions, is that it is sponsored by individuals that previously opposed any measure designed to limit the rights of all children to an adequate education, at the state’s expense, and/or limit the Supreme Court’s oversight over an adequate education.

      The CACR’s, championed by Governor Lynch and legislative leaders, purport to solve the education-funding problem once and for all.  This is accomplished, according to the amendments’ proponents, by allowing “targeting” of educational aid to the most needy school districts, in “an affordable and sustainable manner”. This action will then lead to equal educational opportunity for all students.  Supporters assert that this change in our Constitution will lead to a permanent solution to this perennial challenge.  I, for one, would suggest that these assertions are likely to be inaccurate or at least incomplete.  At the onset, I would acknowledge that I am but one voice, a citizen of New Hampshire, who has closely followed the Legislature for fifteen (15) years, and has spent thirty-eight (38) years serving public education.  I'd like to humbly share my perceptions of why the benefits may be overstated or misunderstood.  Let me explain.

1.)  Targeting Educational Aid

      First of all, targeting of educational aid is already legal and permissible under state laws and our Constitution.  Therefore, in my mind, we only need a constitutional amendment if we choose to target aid, in place of or instead of, providing basic adequacy aid to all New Hampshire’s children. 

      On the other hand, the New Hampshire Supreme Court recognized several important facts regarding public education in its “ Claremont and Londonderry, et. al. decisions”.  Foremost among these are that public education is a fundamental right of all children everywhere in our state and the Legislature has the obligation to define, cost, fund and be accountable for an adequate education. In addition, they found that public education is highly regulated, defined by state laws and rules, and that it has been historically funded by a regressive state tax system (grossly uneven property tax). I, for one, agree with these assertions.  Public education is fundamentally important for all children (and I would say taxpayers too).  It is highly regulated by state laws and rules, and it has and is funded by largely uneven (or non-uniform) property taxes.  In my mind, targeting is desirable only in addition, to basic adequacy funding for each child, not in place of it.

2.)  Affordable Solution

      The notion of limiting state aid to schools solely because available dollars are limited by existing revenues, I believe, is flawed both morally and logically.  By basing the rationale of the solution on “what makes it affordable or easier for the state”, simply fails the logic test.  The amendment’s proponents argue that not all school districts "need" state money, only some do.  That would lead any citizen to ask, “Which ones need money?” 

      It is estimated that New Hampshire citizens pay annually over 2.8 billion for public education. It is important to note that current state adequacy aid grants total  $578,236,605 plus $363,653,009 raised on state property tax equaling $891,013,576 in FY 11.   In fact, the state actually pays less than 25% in non-property tax aid to schools. Therefore, it is possible, and in fact probable, that if an amendment is approved less overall aid will be given to schools and taxpayers and with targeting fewer number of school districts will receive any money.  This possibility then poses the questions, “who gets the money?” and “what about those that lose money?”

In practice then, the state can require high requirements and standards, and the local community must pay the bill on an already overburdened property tax.  They must pay “the bill” because why?  Because the state wants to make it affordable for the state’s budget But actually at the same time that make it more costly for local taxpayers. Even a casual observer can see that each time the state Legislature has “adjusted aid” it has sought to lower the amount of assistance to taxpayers.

3.)  Equal Opportunity

      There is no mistaking the fact that educational opportunities vary among school districts; and that the amount of money spent per student also varies significantly.  This is most apparent if we look at the extremes, highest to lowest, in both expenditures per pupil and tax rates.

      These amendments appear to adversely effect a large number of what I call "middle-tier" communities and communities that, because of the advantages of location (e.g. lakes, ocean or mountains), may have high equalized valuation of property.  Communities that now get some aid (and previously got more) will no doubt get little or no adequacy aid under these amendments. 

      What happens in those middle-tier communities (e.g. Dover, Concord, Merrimack, Londonderry, Rochester and more…) as their aid ends and millions of dollars is shifted onto the local school tax rate?  My guess is that taxpayers will quite logically object, and seek ways to limit or cut expenditures.  These reductions (or reluctance to invest in new contracts and bonds) will drive these districts towards mediocrity, not excellence. Move them towards fewer opportunities for students, not equal opportunity for all children. What happens in those school districts that have high equalized valuation (Portsmouth, Moultonborough, Rye….), as they lose all state assistance. From my observations they too have citizen taxpayers on fixed incomes and limited means.  My guess is that they too will reduce expenditures. It is interesting and important to note that these amendments have no assurance that there will not be “donor towns”. After all “donor towns” are a product of the state choosing to pay its fair share based on a statewide property tax and they will still have the ability to do it again.

4.)  Permanent Solution

      The proponents of these amendments assert that this amendment will lead to the establishment of a lasting solution to this nagging problem. I think logic and past experience predict that the opposite will happen.  The net effect of this desired change would leave the New Hampshire Legislature and Governor, in charge of defining adequacy, costing it out, deciding "need", and distributing the dollars each year.  All of this will occur with more limited oversight by the Judicial Branch of our government. 

      Furthermore it is important to remember that the New Hampshire Legislature meets every year from January through June.  Each year there have been numerous attempts to alter, tweak, fix or completely change educational funding laws.  These changes were attempted even with the Court’s oversight.  In addition, these changes occurred during, and often after, school district voters already decided budgets.  Why would any reasonable person think that this practice wouldn't continue and perhaps become more frequent or expansive, if oversight is limited?  It would appear quite logical to me that as new majorities come together, the votes will be there to: change, tweak, adjust, funding again and again and again.

      In closing, I, for one, believe that public education is a fundamental right of all children, regardless of where they may live.  I, for one, believe that the State Government largely dictates what the requirements are for public education and that they have a major role in paying for what they prescribe. It is my belief that we don’t need to amend our constitution to limit that right to just children (and taxpayers) who may live in certain school districts. 

      I pray our legislators will recognize that fact, tackle the tough challenge (not avoid it or pass on the challenge) and stand up to be real champions for all New Hampshire’s children (AND Taxpayers)!  If you agree, contact your representative in the House of Representatives . If you disagree, let's hope my perceptions are wrong.  As always, I welcome your thoughts and ideas. Mark (mark@nhsaa.org)

 
 
     
     
     
 

 

NH CAN

The New Hampshire Child Advocacy Network is a statewide coalition of over 100 partner organizations improving the health and wellbeing of NH’s children and families through the annual Priorities for New Hampshire’s Children.

 
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KIDS COUNT is a national and state-by-state effort to document the condition of children and families and to highlight the most promising ways of helping kids grow up to be healthy, productive adults.

 


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